Energy Realities

By Robert McLachlan

[This is the transcript of my talk at the “Reality of Everything” conference held on 26 June, 2026. See the other talks at https://realityofeverything.org/]

I’d like to start with a couple of quotes.

“The Prime Minister has had to cut short his crucial Middle East talks seeking continuation of our oil supplies… The introduction of fuel rationing has given the union cause a large measure of public sympathy…”  – these were the words of the TV newsreader in the opening scene of the 1977 film Sleeping Dogs – nearly 50 years ago.

Secondly, a headline from the New York Times in 1988: “Sharp cut in burning of fossil fuels urged to battle shift in climate”.

Thirdly, from a New Zealand Government report called “Responding to Climate Change” released in 1990: “The Government could set fuel economy targets [along with] policy aimed at reducing the use of private vehicles and distances travelled”.

Concerns about energy and its availability, cost, and impacts, are nothing new. Now the world is plunged into yet another oil war and here at the bottom of the world we find ourselves in some respects no better prepared than in 1977. How could that be? Have we learned nothing?

Globally, ever-increasing energy use is a major driver of the polycrisis. Humanity is using energy at seven times the rate we were in 1950, the start of what is called the “Great Acceleration” in human affairs. That energy gives humanity the power to vastly expand our activities, including some that are very damaging to nature and to ourselves. Pick any environmental issue you like: climate change, plastic pollution, biodiversity loss, the impacts of fertilizer on freshwater – they are all driven by the scale of the operation, and that is driven by energy.

The burning of fossil fuels is responsible for the lion’s share of climate change, both globally and in New Zealand. Their use has to be stopped completely over the next few decades. An epic, inspiring task on a scale without precedent in history. We now have an outline of how that could be done, but I want to remind everybody that, so far, the use of not a single fossil fuel has peaked, not even coal.

Undoubtedly the share of renewables is growing. Solar and wind power have increased from 1.5 to 7.5% of global final energy consumption in the past decade. In particular, the current solar boom is really something. Even counting the impacts from mining and manufacturing, solar power has 1/100th the emissions of coal. The solar revolution has a long way to run.

However, this “transition” to solar and other renewables is additive rather than substitutive. In other words, while the contributions of renewable energy are growing, so is the consumption of fossil fuels, as seen in this graph. In fact, our consumption of fossil fuels has never been higher than it is today.

Turning to New Zealand, our energy landscape is quite distinctive. While we have a largely renewable electricity system, most of our overall energy – about 70% – still comes from fossil fuels. And it’s been that way for many years. About 70% of that fossil fuel is oil, and nearly all the oil is used for transport.

As we all know by now, climate change is not the only issue associated with oil. The supply is finite. As the easy-to-access fields become exhausted, it is becoming increasingly expensive and dirty to extract. It’s unevenly distributed, resulting in more or less continuous oil wars and political manipulation. Burning it creates air pollution that kills thousands of New Zealanders every year. Our transport system is expensive and highly inequitable – some people pop over to Bali or London every year; others can’t afford to make essential trips such as to medical appointments. So one area in which we can make a big difference is transport.

The solutions are well known in the transport sector.

For personal travel, it’s summed up in the slogan of the climate activist group Climate Liberation Aotearoa: travel less, travel active (that is, walk and cycle), travel public, and travel electric. Cities and countries that are following this track are seeing the rewards.

However, we’re currently locked into a system of infrastructure and of social norms that is making the shift harder than was anticipated in 1990. For example, I’m not seeing huge public protests over new motorway proposals. A social norm has been established for recycling – but not for having holidays nearby, instead of overseas. Instead, it’s become harder and harder to safely bike to work or school; lifestyles have become car dependent; and entire school sports teams fly to a championship in the northern hemisphere without a thought. With a locked-in system, it’s hard to anticipate where change might begin. There are possible ‘change agents’ all over: in government, in local communities, in small businesses, in the tourism and car industries. Change can be seeded in all of these and grow.

The Zero Carbon Act of 2019 is a good example. Up to the point when the idea of this was seeded, climate action had been going nowhere for decades. A tiny youth climate group, Generation Zero, was formed and ran a campaign around the idea. It was picked up by the Labour and Green parties. As soon as the Act was passed, the renewable energy industry sparked back into life and over the next few years, emissions plummeted. Fossil fuel burning has declined to levels not seen in nearly thirty years. This wasn’t just because of the specific workings of the Act; positive leadership and messaging from the top spread to all levels of society.

The Zero Carbon Act, although working within conventional economic and policy frameworks, was a huge breakthrough. It has the potential to enormously increase New Zealand’s energy sustainability and independence. It’s not perfect – it’s not ambitious enough and it extended our reliance on plantation forestry, which is a delaying tactic – but it can be improved over time. Unfortunately, after just a few years it’s now on life support. Pushback from government and industry has weakened its institutions and stretched its system of checks and balances to breaking point. We will need to fight to preserve the gains we have made and to press for more.

So I’ve claimed that for most of the things we use fossil fuel energy for, there are vastly better alternatives available. Most things, yes, but not all. What about the ‘difficult’ areas? I work on aviation emissions, a sector which experts love to say is ‘hard to abate’. What they mean is, there’s no existing energy source other than oil that can power an aircraft. Instead, they like to talk about possible future energy carriers, like biofuel, electric batteries or hydrogen. The trouble is that these do not exist at any scale, and the problems and uncertainties are huge. Nor does anyone want to pay for them or acknowledge their implications – I don’t think anyone wants to turn the whole of the Canterbury Plains over to grow canola for the jet set. These ‘techno-optimist’ solutions are a fraudulent delaying tactic.

Instead of ‘hard to abate’, I would say aviation is ‘hard to manage’. It’s actually very easy not to get on a plane. The problem is to persuade enough people to support change and end aviation’s free ride. The aviation sector is only growing (both in New Zealand and worldwide) because it escapes environmental regulation.

What’s happened is that as people get richer, they seem to have an unlimited demand for travel, a demand fostered by the travel industry, by government, by their friends, and more recently, by ‘influencers’. Long-distance air travel is by far the most energy-intensive thing anyone apart from astronauts will ever do. Current global air travel is about 1000 km per person per year, and even that is not sustainable. So just one trip to Europe will blow your share of that for 40 years.

From the ‘Living Well Within Limits’ project led by Professor Julia Steinberger at the University of Geneva, we know it’s possible to have a comfortable modern lifestyle with drastically lower energy use than is currently typical in western countries. That includes building and operating warm, dry homes; cities well serviced by public transport; provision of healthcare, healthy food and water supplies. And the energy would be provided by renewable electricity with dramatically lower environmental and health impacts than fossil fuels, making it less vulnerable to resource wars. A decline in energy use is nothing to be afraid of if it means less wastage and less environmental damage, along with better health and wellbeing.

Energy is nothing if not topical. You can read a different opinion about our electricity system or fuel supply every day of the year. And then turn the page and read about airlines adding new long-haul routes. But you will read little about how this entire system is both highly damaging now and completely unsustainable into the future. Nor will you read about alternative futures that are possible with existing technologies. My plea to people in power is to keep reminding everyone of the basic point that fossil fuels must be phased out urgently. Talk about the new things like solar farms, yes, but also talk about how to get rid of the old things that burn coal, gas, and oil, and about how to rein in sectors like aviation that get off scot-free.

Humans have been getting energy by burning things for a long, long time – hundreds of thousands of years. Now for the first time we have a chance to turn away from fire. We should seize that chance.

How much is climate misinformation shaping NZ Govt policy?

By Matt Halliday

While an inquiry into climate misinformation is sounding alarm bells about fossil fuel propaganda and its threat to the very foundations of society across the Tasman, we’re even more vulnerable to misinformation and unseen influence here in Aotearoa.

The Select Committee on Information Integrity on Climate Change and Energy submitted its report to the Australian senate last month. Unsurprisingly, they found that, in a post-truth world, bombarded by AI, social media and billionaire-owned broadcasters, misinformation is rife and could be considered a threat to Australia’s democracy.

We’re not talking about placard-waving activists or fringe political parties here. A former chief of the Australian Defence Force is talking about how climate misinformation is speeding our descent into catastrophic global heating that will “crash society as we know it”.

Meanwhile, back in Aotearoa, Resources Minister Shane Jones talks about the “moral hysteria of climate change.”

It’s not a coincidence that that quote comes from a speech he delivered in Taranaki, New Zealand’s oil fields, where he focussed on economic and energy security for the region, as he pledged to help his audience keep extracting our natural resources. These tactics are straight from the disinformation playbook started by big tobacco in the 1950s and ’60s and perpetuated by polluting companies ever since. Being “merchants of doubt” means that big oil has no need to overturn the scientific consensus. They only need to seed queries in the minds of the public (their customers) to keep the false controversy alive and maintain the status quo – oil as a daily concern. It’s also no coincidence that the main narrative of big oil’s advertising and PR campaigns has moved from energy security to fossil fuel dependence over the last 5 years.

Unfortunately, in some ways, they’re right. Our society does overwhelmingly rely on the supply of cheap oil to run the way it does. However, we now know what the consequences of continuing to live the way we do will mean. We’re seeing it in the extreme weather events that are increasing in frequency and intensity on both sides of the Tasman. What the Australian Select Committee has highlighted, is that these vested interests are doing everything they can to keep the fuel lines pumping rather than help the transition, despite what the sustainability pages on their corporate websites say.

What does this mean for New Zealand?

In some ways, we’re even more vulnerable to misinformation and unseen influence here in Aotearoa. Australia has lobbying laws. Anyone acting on behalf of third-party clients, trying to get into the ear of politicians, must be registered. We don’t have any such laws. In 2023, the Ministry of Justice was tasked with helping third-party lobbyists develop a voluntary code of conduct and review “different policy options for regulating lobbying activities.” However, the MoJ website says they’re currently “assessing the scale and scope of any review” and there have been no updates for almost two years. This leaves our politicians open to be influenced by big industry with deep pockets.

Just hours after announcing a new LNG terminal as the supposed solution to New Zealand’s energy worries, Climate Change and then-Energy Minister Simon Watts and Resources Minister Shane Jones were both at a breakfast event co-hosted by fossil fuel lobby group Energy Resources Aotearoa.

While the LNG plan has been slammed by multiple energy experts as locking in further dependence on foreign fossil fuels, Energy Resources Aotearoa head John Carnegie was in a small minority of commentators to welcome the LNG plan. He is also on record criticising the previous Labour Government for helping companies get off coal and gas and shrinking demand for fossil fuels in the process.

On the same day as the fossil fuel breakfast, it was revealed that New Zealand has sunk further in Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index, while the Government’s Anti-Corruption Taskforce released its first pilot report, flagging potentially billions of dollars in public-sector fraud.

New Zealand remains the only Five Eyes country without a whole-of-government national anti-corruption strategy. With no lobbying register – the OECD ranks us 34th out of 38 countries for regulating influence on policymaking. We have no cooling-off period for ministers entering lobbying. We have no beneficial ownership register and no independent anti-corruption commission.

Industry influence

Recent changes to tobacco laws offer a glaring example of industry influence. Tobacco regulation has been one of the most successful examples of public health regulation globally, with the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control now ratified by parties that represent over 90% of the world’s population.

Which brings us back to Shane Jones and his buddies.

The current coalition government repealed Aotearoa’s world-leading tobacco regulation. This was not something any of the coalition parties had campaigned on, yet it was one of the first actions taken in their first months in office. The Public Health Communication Centre outlined how closely politicians across all three coalition parties modeled their talking points on propaganda seeded by the tobacco industry. The difference between tobacco and climate change is that people noticed this break from the social norm. Smoking has lost its social license; decades of dedicated work by non-profits, health professionals and regulators meant that within my parent’s lifetime smoking went from being a signifier of cool to one of shame.

We’re not yet at that point with fossil fuels, which means that when our politicians repeat fossil fuel industry rhetoric (as Shane Jones does) it doesn’t jar us the way the tobacco rhetoric does. Fossil fuels are still a part of everyday life. Current conflicts have illustrated how over reliant our global society is on them. What the Australian Select Committee Report highlights is how much lobbying, sponsorship and disinformation are a part of keeping us reliant on them. It recognizes coordinated campaigns of disinformation amplified through various platforms. These campaigns work on us because they’re all closely tied to how embedded fuel companies are into everyday communities, often through their sponsorship of sport and cultural activities. Activists in WA have pointed out that with sponsorship of Nippers surf lifesaving, the Woodside logo appears about 42,000 times every Sunday in summer. Their logo appears in five different places on the uniform each kid wears.

Over here, BP have been sponsoring Surf Lifesaving NZ for almost 60 years. True, climate change wasn’t in the public consciousness when this partnership started. But it is now. These logos tell us stories of oil corporations saving lives, instead of the truth; use of these products is already taking more lives than smoking each and every year. Along with seeded disinformation (which turns into misinformation) this type of sponsorship and promotion helps us justify doing what we’ve always done, instead of being able to imagine a different future for Aotearoa’s next generation.

The Australian government is taking steps in the right direction. They’re now aware of the threat of coordinated disinformation campaigns and how they affect public consciousness. Hopefully they take the next step and turn these recommendations into policy that helps protect their people and our climate.

Aotearoa needs to catch up. Even though we’re a country known for our sheep, kiwis don’t like having the wool pulled over our eyes.

These corporate communication tactics have been used for decades to encourage mistrust in science. The rise of social media’s controversy-driven algorithm, and now AI’s self-reinforcing tendencies, have given these companies more tools to accelerate the doubt in science they’re peddling.

The question is: are we going to believe them, or do we believe the evidence we see in the extreme weather that’s becoming more frequent and changing the shape of New Zealand?


Matt Halliday is a lecturer and PhD student in Te Kura Whakapāho, the School of Communication Studies at AUT, where he is researching the role of advertising in the climate crisis. He is also a part of Comms Declare, and helped launched the Fossil Ad Ban campaign in Aotearoa earlier this year. Republished with permission from Carbon News.

Fasten your seat belts

By Robert McLachlan

Just a few weeks ago New Zealand’s aviation and tourism sectors were riding high. Summer flights were up 7% on the previous year, and returned to their pre-Covid levels for the first time.

Dec/Jan jet fuel up 7% in a year, up 57% since 2013/14.
Source: MBIE Energy Quarterly

All last year there were stories like “Christchurch Airport is entering a period of strong growth, with new and expanded air routes set to deliver a significant boost to Canterbury’s tourism, freight and export sectors” (The Press, June 2025). As late as 3 February this year, the CEO of Tourism Industry Aotearoa was saying “International arrivals are edging upwards, confidence has lifted across the sector, and operators are reporting strong bookings.”

On 3 March, three days after the war began, Tourism Minister Louise Upston said, “The Government welcomes data out today showing New Zealand’s tourism sector continues to go from strength to strength, driving billions into the economy.”

New Zealand wasn’t alone. Willie Walsh, director of the global airline body IATA, said in January, “2025 saw demand for air travel grow by 5.3% with international demand growing by 7.1% and domestic by 2.4%. This returns industry growth to align with historical growth patterns after the robust post-COVID rebound.”

The only dark clouds were the need for decarbonisation (“Governments whose economies grow because of aviation and whose citizens thirst for connectivity need to provide the supportive fiscal policy framework to rapidly accelerate progress”) and supply chain issues (“People clearly wanted to travel more, but airlines were continually disappointed with unreliable delivery schedules for new aircraft and engines, maintenance capacity constraints, and resultant cost increases.”)

IATA forecast essentially permanent growth of 4.2% per year. This far exceeds any ability of the industry to reduce emissions and is a recipe for continually increasing damage.

Source: MBIE Energy Quarterly, Stats NZ

Setting aside decarbonisation – each flight departing New Zealand uses 200 litres of jet fuel per passenger, emitting 500 kg of CO2, a number that has not budged in 20 years – how is that desire to travel more holding up?

Pretty well, it seems. Just yesterday (1 April – but apparently they weren’t joking), RNZ reported:

Despite the conflict and dire news about air travel price surges due to fuel costs, New Zealand consumers are still booking long-haul flights to places like Europe, says Julie White, chief executive of the Travel Agents’ Association of New Zealand.

Swapping the warmth of the northern hemisphere in July for a Queenstown skiing holiday is of little interest to some travel consumers at the moment, White says.

New Zealanders, in general, might have a bit of domestic travel fatigue due to the restrictions during Covid. Many since the Covid years have made travel an essential item in their budget rather than a discretionary one, says White.

“We’re still experiencing strong demand. Kiwis are really wanting to travel, and they are really hoping this is going to be over soon, so they are still booking travel.”

This is delusional and irresponsible. The Ministry of Transport’s own dashboard shows that the price of jet fuel has already more than doubled, which would add at least 30% to future ticket prices even before flight cancellations kick in.

Travelers could very easily find themselves stranded overseas with cancelled flights and no insurance. The BBC and Financial Times are reporting that the UK’s final shipment of jet fuel from the Middle East is arriving this week, with no more booked or on the water. Tourism professor Susanne Becken from Griffiths University wrote

Tourism’s dependence on (affordable and available) jet fuel has long been a known issue; yet the sector choses to ignore this massive challenge. All the discussions around decarbonisation aviation are much more than climate action, they are an insurance for the very future of this industry.

During the Covid pandemic I made the suggestion that countries should look into ‘minimum viable networks’ to find out what level of aviation is considered essential as opposed to discretionary. This would be very sensible risk management, and would – by default – include crises such as global pandemics (i.e. how much lack of connectivity can a country afford), climate change (managing the long-term risk of climate collapse), or fuel constraints.

Although all countries will be affected, New Zealand is more exposed than many, given our remote location, habituated frequent flying, and large tourist industry. (Pacific Islands are even more at risk.) International travel shut down once before, only six years ago. It looks like we are in for a re-run.

Driving in the wrong direction: why NZ’s oil consumption is at a 5‑year high

By Robert McLachlan

Getty Images

New Zealand’s latest quarterly energy report shows electricity production was above 90% renewable and emissions from generation fell to the lowest level on record.

But it also shows New Zealand’s oil consumption, which had fallen markedly after the COVID pandemic, has crept back up to reach its highest quarterly level in five years.

Oil now comprises its highest quarterly share of New Zealand’s overall energy emissions on record.

Of the total carbon emissions from the burning of fossil fuels, 77% were from oil (mostly used for transport), 12% from industrial and domestic gas usage, 6% from coal, and just 5% from electricity generation.

Source: MBIE Energy Quarterly

Developing a coordinated energy strategy to reduce oil dependence would not only provide an effective climate response, but also protect New Zealand from recurring oil price and supply shocks.

The previous government had committed to a comprehensive strategy to transition to a renewable energy system in New Zealand’s first emissions reduction plan in 2022.

But the current government’s focus has shifted on energy security and it aims to boost energy supply by importing liquefied natural gas.

Missed opportunities to reduce oil dependence

Parts of New Zealand’s economy, particularly inflation and tourism, remain strongly linked to the price of oil.

During two previous periods of high oil prices, New Zealand missed the chance to weaken the country’s dependence on oil.

The 1978 oil shock was a severe hit to the economy; New Zealand’s oil consumption did not recover to its previous level until 1990.

The soaring oil prices hit New Zealand at a time of extensive government control of the economy under the National government of Robert Muldoon, whose “Think Big” strategy included building an experimental plant to produce petrol from natural gas.

This was intended to build energy independence, but unfortunately it proved to be costly and ineffective.

The 2008 financial crisis also involved extreme oil price spikes and a prolonged recession. Oil consumption did not recover until 2015. One planned response was to introduce fuel economy standards for new cars – a form of regulation already in place in most OECD countries.

Had these standards been put in place and gradually strengthened over time, New Zealand would now be in a much better place, with less pollution and less economic dependence on oil.

However, a change in government in late 2008 led to the cancellation of the planned standards. New Zealand now uses nearly twice as much transport oil per capita as the UK, where such standards have been in place since 2001.

New law changed NZ’s trajectory

The Climate Change Response (Zero Carbon) Amendment Act of 2019 was a turning point. Before that, total fossil fuel emissions were flat or trending up. Afterwards, a wave of investments in renewable electricity, in the decarbonisation of industry and in low-emission transport turned the trend around.

This was perhaps not just due to the specifics of the act, which includes five-yearly carbon budgets, but to strong pro-climate signalling from the government of the day.

A critical mass of society, from car buyers and dealers to New Zealand’s biggest companies, were investing to take steps away from fossil fuels.

Under the current government, both messaging and policy have changed. As Climate Change Minister Simon Watts has repeatedly stressed, New Zealand’s main climate tool is now the emissions trading scheme (ETS). However, this now covers only 35% of net emissions and is not an effective way to reduce oil use.

At the current price of NZ$40 per tonne of carbon dioxide emissions, the ETS adds only nine cents per litre to the price of petrol. Given New Zealand’s high car dependency, this has virtually no effect on existing drivers or on car buyers.

How to cut oil use in transport

In New Zealand, 80% of oil goes into air and land transport. An oil transition plan really means a transport plan.

Source: MBIE Energy Quarterly

There is a known way to turn off the tap on oil. The “avoid, shift, improve” framework is supported by three decades of experience.

Changing work patterns such as shorter work weeks and working-from-home arrangements can help avoid unnecessary travel. Better infrastructure for walking and cycling and public transport helps to shift transport and dramatically reduce oil use.

The remaining private vehicle travel can be improved through electrification. This requires a combination of incentives and stronger emissions standards, as the International Energy Agency reinforced this week.

At present, New Zealand is still moving in the wrong direction. Over the past decade, the total distance driven by light vehicles increased by 20%, while the distance driven by utility vehicles is up 55%.

Each utility vehicle has 50% higher carbon emissions than a (fossil-fueled) passenger car. These trends have outweighed the improvements from the rise of hybrid and electric vehicles.

There is a limit to how quickly New Zealand’s fleet can realistically be electrified. For a country with the world’s highest rate of car ownership, mass purchasing of new cars is not a good transport solution by itself.

But in any event, phasing out fossil fuels is required for a safe future and should happen in ways that build energy resilience and independence.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

We should have weaned off oil long ago

By Robert McLachlan

Yes, we should have weaned off oil long ago. The oil shocks of the 1970s would have been a good time to start. Failing that, the 2007 oil price spike that was one of the triggers of the Global Financial Crisis. Never mind. The third best time to start is now.

New Zealand’s oil consumption for road transport has nearly doubled since 1990. Preliminary data from MBIE suggests another 4% rise between 2023 and 2025.
Industry is doing it tough.

What are the drivers of this increase? More cars, obviously, but also more people, with each person driving further.

Here’s the breakdown over the past decade:

Impact on road transport CO2 emissions from change in…Change between 2013 & 2023
Population:+16.1%
Fuel economy of fossil-fueled car fleet:–15.6%
Distance driven in light vehicles, per person:+4.5%
Fleet shift from cars to utes:+4.5%
Proportion of electric driving–1.7%
Total change in CO2 emissions+4.2%

Utility vehicles emit 50% more than (non-hybrid) cars – 259 gCO2/km vs 175 gCO2/km – and the shift is at least partly cultural, with the twin-cab ute becoming a social norm. Utes now comprise 18% of the light vehicle fleet, do 23% of the kilometres, form 26% of sales, and emit 31% of light vehicle CO2. If that shift continues, as it appears to be doing, it forms a significant headwind to emissions reduction.

Lately, although the shift to hybrids is reducing emissions, fossil-fueled cars themselves are getting heavier and higher-emission.

What’s up with those diesel cars at 231 gCO2/km?! The average petrol hybrid at 121 gCO2/km does not even meet the 2026 fuel economy standard of 108 gCO2/km. Averaged over all sales, the target is being exceeded by 27 gCO2/km.

Overall, the picture is grim. On balance the country is no better prepared for an oil price or supply shock than we were in the 1970s – oil imports were 2.5% of GDP last year, compared to 1.8% in 1974. But in one respect, we do have an advantage. We know how we failed to seize the opportunity previously, and we know what will work this time.

As Tim Welch wrote last week,

New Zealand still has a choice, however. It already powers lights, hospitals and factories with renewable electricity. It could have powered a diverse transport system the same way, and it still can.

Every bus electrified, every cycleway built, every train funded is a direct reduction in exposure to the next crisis. The question now is whether New Zealanders begin to treat their car dependence not as a lifestyle choice but as a strategic liability.

New Zealand’s Strategic Foreign Policy Assessment

by Heidi O’Callahan

A graphic from the previous Assessment, conducted in 2023 under the previous government.

[The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade is undertaking its triennial Strategic Foreign Policy Assessment. The Ministry writes: The Assessment will examine the international context New Zealand will navigate in the decade to 2036, and what this means for us. The Assessment will consider the most important changes and drivers we see happening in the world, what they mean for New Zealand, what those changes mean for our relationships, and what they mean for our region — the Pacific and the Indo-Pacific.Heidi O’Callahan’s submission is below. She would love to read other people’s submissions that tackle other (climate-exacerbated) topics, like overfishing, war, peacekeeping, humane treatment of refugees, terrorism, the scam economies and cyber security.

Submissions can be made at https://www.surveymonkey.com/r/J7J8P9V. Submissions close at 5pm on 24 December 2025.]


What are the big international issues you think New Zealand will have to navigate over the next 10 years, and what are the opportunities you think New Zealand can pursue?


The big international problems we must navigate are biodiversity loss and climate change,
as well as the poverty, inequity, migration, societal breakdown and geopolitical instability
exacerbated by these problems. To navigate these issues successfully requires accepting
the root cause: an unsustainable economic paradigm of exploitation centred on the pursuit of
economic growth.


Above all, our economy needs to operate within planetary limits; it must become more
circular, socially-positive, and ecologically regenerative. Our best opportunities for
international trade lie in low-carbon, high-value intellectual innovation. The current industries
of bulk commodities (timber, milk products, meat, etc) and international tourism must be
scaled back significantly. The scale of these industries cannot be justified on a climate basis,
and their pollution and transport impacts are directly damaging to New Zealanders’ health,
accessibility and freedoms.


What do you consider New Zealand’s foreign policy needs to do to protect and advance our interests in the world over the next 10 years?


Our government needs to act domestically to protect and advance our interests, if our
foreign policy is to have a chance of helping us on the international front. We are currently
witnessing the opposite; the government is introducing policy and legislation that is directly
undermining our safety and wellbeing. This is happening across all spheres: Te Tiriti,
transport, agriculture, education, health, climate, housing and social wellbeing are examples.
In climate alone, the government has 1) unethically scrapped policies designed to reduce
emissions, 2) reduced the climate targets on the basis of no evidence, 3) decided against
bringing agriculture into the ETS and 4) indicated they will baulk at paying the bill for
international credits to cover emissions that such a climate-ignorant set of actions creates
(despite buying credits being the centrepiece of the National Party’s otherwise non-existent
climate policy.)


MFAT cannot operate with any integrity on the international stage alongside such appalling
government backsliding. So, while New Zealand’s foreign policy needs to support
international climate regulations and rules that force wealthier countries like us to reduce
emissions rapidly and pay for our past damage, it is hard for MFAT staff to be taken seriously
when representing a hypocritical government.


Nor will MFAT succeed at advancing our economic interests or pursuing opportunities; the
government’s climate denial will exclude us from markets and keep us out of key
international decision-making.


It’s not just in climate we are becoming a laughing stock. The GPS on Transport attracted
derision and ridicule from international experts. The UN Committee for the Elimination of
Racial Discrimination highlighted how quickly New Zealand is going backwards under this
racist government.


New Zealand’s foreign policy should advance real climate justice, climate action, the
commitment to international agreements on improving transport safety, reducing racial,
gender and age discrimination, the pursuit of improving the wellbeing of people in all
countries (especially indigenous people, and the educational and health opportunities for
girls and women), the promotion of sustainable practices and ecological regeneration, and
above all, the dismantling of the economic paradigm that has led to the destruction of water,
soil, air, natural and human resources.


But to pursue advancing these issues, diplomats should be able to draw on robust examples
of domestic New Zealand practices, with truth and integrity. Currently, they cannot.


For you, your community, organisation or business: What matters most in the world beyond New Zealand? What places and international relationships matter most? What do you think are New Zealand’s greatest strengths and weaknesses in our international engagement?


We should pursue strong and respectful relationships with our Pacific neighbours.
One important matter “in the world beyond New Zealand” is reducing hypermobility. The
majority of people in the world have never set foot in an aeroplane. Yet a small minority
continue to fly, with enormous climate impact, and we are all subsidising them to do so.
Flying is one of the most inequitable and destructive activities humans can indulge in. Our
foreign policy should seek international mechanisms and agreements to achieve substantial
reductions in aviation. As a country with apparently much to lose (but also much to gain in
other ways) from reducing international aviation, New Zealand is actually in a strong position
to lead this international work, through demonstration of substantial systemic change. New
Zealand needs to shrink our international tourism industry, and take steps to prevent our
wealthy people from travelling so much. Our government must stop promoting New Zealand
as a destination, stop allowing airport expansions, introduce taxes to prevent recreational
and other avoidable flights, and support the transition to sustainable industries, including
sustainable bike-, rail-, and coach-based domestic tourism.


The international relationships that matter most are in implementing and honouring the
various UN conventions and agreements – on traffic safety, on climate, on wellbeing and
health, etc. It seems, currently, that this government is rejecting the authority of the UN,
willingly forgetting what atrocities led to the creation of the UN in the first place!


Currently, the most important international relationships my community has is with experts
from other countries to help us try to make gains in evidence-based transport, agricultural,
energy and climate policies for New Zealand. Currently, much community effort is being
spent trying to undo or mitigate aggressive and regressive government actions that have no
basis in evidence or accepted practices. It is very sad to see this waste of human toil and
effort, which could be being used to build a better New Zealand.


Also important are the relationships with international experts on democracy. New Zealand’s
poor democratic practices are stifling our progress. Deliberation and informed
decision-making are the basis of good democracy. New Zealand will not thrive and we will
not make the most of opportunities while most decisions are being made on the basis of
misinformed opinions, corporate lobbying, misguided pursuits of economic growth, and
populism.


New Zealand’s foreign policy should promote the international development of a body of
knowledge about modern democracy. Such an international resource would be useful for all
kinds of decision-making, and could help dispel the damaging myth that “one person one
vote” is a sufficient basis for democracy.


New Zealand’s greatest strength in our international engagement is the goodwill built up over
many decades by good diplomacy and leadership. While there has been a low bar for what a
“good” country should do to improve the welfare of poorer countries and to pursue
development goals, at least New Zealand often tried to be one of the more enlightened
OECD countries. Internationally, the standard must improve. Unfortunately, New Zealand is
not stepping up. The goodwill is evaporating rapidly.


Our biggest weakness in international relationships is the lack of integrity in our domestic
policies.


Do you have any other thoughts on the international context you would like the team to consider?


How the climate changes depends on emissions right now and over the next few years. Net
zero by 2050 is necessary but by then it will be largely irrelevant; the important point is the
emissions trajectory to get there. Bureaucrats and leaders believe they face difficult
decisions currently and rarely prioritise emissions reductions. Yet the different climate
pathways will determine the options in front of future decision-makers, who will have fewer
resources to be able to draw upon, will be functioning in more urgent circumstances, and are
likely to be working within weaker institutions.


When this is fully understood, it is clear that decision-making is unlikely to get any easier!
We must stick to ethical action that will help decision-makers in the future. We must invest to
pursue rapid and significant emissions reductions, and rapidly transform our systems so they
are low carbon. We must acknowledge that the true social cost of carbon is orders of
magnitude higher than what our ETS scheme uses; much larger than what Europe is using.
We must be responsible international neighbours, and ensure poor countries don’t have to
make decisions between climate action and social or economic health.


None of this can be delayed while climate deniers have their turn at power plays in politics.
Quality foreign policy, in the absence of quality domestic policy, is akin to “polishing a turd”.

How flying can be a climate solution

By Paul Callister and Robert McLachlan

The Nelson and Tasman communities have invested $32 million in a new airport terminal. It’s very smart, and made of wood, but it’s designed to increase fossil fuel emissions.
At the same time, Nelson has suffered repeated devastation from extreme storms, at a time when the city is looking to reduce emissions. The community’s critical asset – the airport – can be a helpful part of the city’s climate action plans.

Aviation is booming, especially in the Asia–Pacific region. Air travel has reached record numbers both domestically and internationally, with further strong growth forecast over coming decades.

Despite the financial headwinds faced by New Zealand’s regional airlines, operators say that “passenger numbers on regional airlines have never been better”. “Passenger numbers are through the roof”, says Sounds Air boss Andrew Crawford in a Newsroom article. Once again flights in and out of New Zealand are increasing, helped by the New Zealand government promoting international tourism as a key driver of economic growth.

To support the growth, international airlines are expanding capacity.

Airports across New Zealand have also set in place expansion plans. An example is Nelson. The airport wants to see passenger numbers double from 900,000 to 1.8 million a year by 2050.

Despite unambiguous evidence of the devastating impacts of human-induced climate change, commitments to decarbonise aviation are stalling both here and overseas. The result is that aviation emissions continue to increase at a time when other sectors are working hard to reduce theirs. In just-published research, Daniel Scott and Stefan Gössling examine the UN World Tourism Organization’s climate declarations and conclude that there has been limited to no progress on 25 climate action pledges. They also evaluate commitments by the World Travel and Tourism Council, IATA, International Civil Aviation Organization, and individual airlines, finding that none of their self-set targets has been met.

So how can aviation contribute to tackling climate change when no practicable technology-based solutions are on the horizon?

This problem of aviation emissions is playing out in Nelson, one of New Zealand’s premier tourist destinations. While it is known for its sunny days, in recent years it has also suffered from damaging storms that are predicted to become more frequent and intense with climate change. The August 2022 storm event caused more than $80m of damage in the region, and a downpour in recent weeks led to flooding in downtown Nelson. Recognising the need to reduce emissions, Nelson City Council will soon meet to approve its climate change strategy, aiming to reduce gross emissions by at least 6.8% each and every year, in line with the government’s target.

That will require significant new investment. Who should pay for it? Should it be the community as a whole, or should those who are causing the problem contribute more? If Nelson airport proposes to double passenger numbers without any realistic plan to reduce emissions, is there a way of adopting the “polluter pays” principle and using revenue from flying to help decarbonise other parts of the local economy?

There is a way. The airport is jointly owned by Nelson City Council and neighbouring Tasman District Council. It recently invested $32m in a new terminal (catering for future growth, which means growth in pollution), with further expansion on the drawing board. A “polluter pays” levy of $20 per departing passenger – about 10% of the average ticket price – would raise $9m per year towards climate action by the two councils. Potential uses of such a levy include funding active and public transport, helping businesses to reduce emissions via electrification, supporting community solar power, and funding adaptation infrastructure. Much greater price increases by Air New Zealand in recent years, of between 30% and 300% depending on the route, have had no impact on passenger numbers, indicating an ability and a willingness to pay. While most New Zealanders need to fly sometimes, most flying is done by a small number of frequent flyers. Globally, 1% of the world’s population, the wealthiest frequent flyers, are responsible for 50% of aviation emissions. Therefore, a “polluter pays” levy acts as a progressive, pro-climate tax.

It is true that New Zealand also has the Emissions Trading Scheme. Passengers contribute about $3 per domestic flight via the ETS. Unfortunately, this does little to nothing towards reducing emissions. At present the money either goes to the government (which has cancelled most direct climate spending) or towards the mass planting of pine trees, which is commonly criticised as being an ineffective strategy with negative effects on biodiversity.

Airports and airlines themselves should welcome such a levy, which could be introduced nationwide. They could then point to the tangible community benefits of the levy and maintain their social licence to operate in an era when the aviation industry’s bold claims (“Net zero by 2050!”) amount to so much greenwashing.

It needs to be recognised that such a levy only buys the aviation industry a little time, and that the industry needs to either rapidly decarbonise or start reducing flights to meet climate targets. At present it is impossible to know if any of their plans for lower-emission flights will come about or have much of an impact on emissions. We hope they do. But hope alone is not enough; hope needs action, and the time for action is now.

Cars and trucks and things that have to go

By Robert McLachlan

Since 1978, diesel vehicles in New Zealand have paid road user charges (RUC) via a formula that depends on vehicle size and weight. Petrol vehicles currently pay a fuel tax instead of RUC. Electric vehicles (EVs) were granted an exemption from RUC in 2009 which expired on 1 April 2024. From that date, EV owners were required to pay RUC at the same rate as light diesel vehicles such as utes.

The government plans to shift all light vehicles onto RUC, possibly by 2027.

The current rate of fuel tax is 92 c/l. As one litre of petrol emits 2.31 kg of CO2 when burned, this is equivalent to a carbon charge of $398 per tonne of CO2. Petrol also incurs a carbon charge via the Emissions Trading Scheme (around $50/tCO2). Thus, removing fuel tax would reduce the carbon charge from $448 to $50 per tonne.

The effect would be that fuel costs of a small petrol hybrid would increase from 10c to 14c per kilometre, while that of a large car would fall from 25c to 23c. An EV would cost 11c per kilometre if charged at home on off-peak rates, or 23c per kilometre using public rapid chargers.

No country has tried this approach yet, although Iceland is planning to do so next year. Wisely, they will also double the carbon charge on petrol (from $100 to $200/tCO2) at the same time. They also retain other strong transport/climate policies. The purchase tax on a high-emitting car can be up to 65% of its value, and the government intends to ban the sale of fossil-fueled vehicles after 2030. In Iceland, 18% of the light vehicle fleet is already electric, compared to 3% in New Zealand.

(For more details, see my report “The emissions impact of a shift to universal road user charging in New Zealand“.)

But what about trucks?

Trucks are, of course, another large source of fossil fuel emissions that needs to be phased out. At present just 0.37% of the light commercial fleet is electric (mostly vans, not utes), while the figure for heavy vehicles is 0.46% (mostly buses, not trucks – although there are 194 electric heavy trucks in the country). Diesel trucks, utes, and vans are already exempt from fuel tax and pay RUC instead. Thus, they face a much lower effective carbon tax than cars, which could be a factor in their relatively slower improvement over time. (Diesel cars have actually been getting worse in recent years.)

However, they do get one big incentive – unlike cars, they are still exempt from RUC. The exemption ends on 1 January 2026. Perhaps this is a small change in the grand scheme of things. But it is one more change in the wrong direction, with an uncertain outcome – as far as I know, no analysis or investigation of any kind has been done on this. It is possible to design a scheme under which everyone contributes fairly according to their impact, and which still incentivizes change. At the start of this year, Denmark introduced RUC for trucks, under a formula which takes into account vehicle weight and CO2 emissions. (EV trucks get an 80% discount.) The effect has been phenomenal, with EV market share for trucks jumping straight up to 25%.

Emissions from cars are now back to 2001 levels, while trucks and utes are up 80% and still increasing. Prior to 2001 road transport emissions were not split by vehicle class. The decline in emissions from cars since 2018 is due more to behaviour change than cleaner vehicles – working from home, and less driving due to the recession.
Norway is seeing sustained reductions in emissions from cars, now that virtually all new cars sold are electric. Norway’s emissions from trucks are 1/3 less than New Zealand’s, but have yet to see significant reductions.
Lowly worm in his apple car.

New Zealanders’ energy use continues its 22-year decline

By Robert McLachlan

Every three months the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment puts out a useful document called the Energy Quarterly. It provides up-to-the-minute data on fossil fuel emissions, well in advance of the more detailed submissions for the UN which currently only run up to 2022. It’s where I get the data for graphs like this one:

My point is to make regular reminders that addressing climate change means phasing out fossil fuels and that we are only just starting on that task. But the details are important and interesting, too, such as the recent upswing in electricity emissions due to the record-low lake inflows. This serves as a reminder that the ‘dry year’ problem isn’t yet solved, and that without the significant new wind and geothermal plants that were completed in 2023 and 2024 we really would have had an energy crisis.

The electricity generation data in the Quarterly also shows that a long static period in New Zealand’s power generation is coming to an end. The biggest trigger for investment was the passage of the Climate Change Response (Zero Carbon) Amendment Act in 2019; projects that started construction in the following years are now operating.

However, future growth depends on anticipated future demand from climate action – phasing out fossil fuels and ‘electrifying everything’. The energy and transport sections of the final Second Emissions Reduction Plan do nothing to promote electrification, placing this recent growth at risk.

But what about the big picture on energy?

In addition to the Quarterly, MBIE produces an annual report, the latest being New Zealand Energy 2024. Here’s their summary:

The report includes many graphs, but not one showing what to me is the most striking development: total energy use has been falling for six years, and is now down nearly 10% from its peak in 2017.

Here ‘renewable’ energy is made up of hydropower (46%), geothermal (25%), biofuel (mostly wood – 23%), wind (6%), and solar (1%). Modern renewable electricity generation (wind, geothermal, and solar) was 41 PJ in 2023 or 6% of final energy demand. Here energy is what MBIE calls ‘final energy demand’, which includes the full energy content of fossil fuels and electricity but not the waste heat component of geothermal. The ‘substitution method’ used by Our World in Data (which upscales renewable energy to compensate for the thermal inefficiency of burning fossil fuels) is not used.

Coal, gas, oil, and even renewables are all down from their peaks. Looked at per capita, the effect is even more striking:

Energy use per person has been declining fairly steadily since 2001, and is now down 28% from peak. Is twenty-two years long enough to call it a trend?

There are probably many factors at play here that would be hard to untangle. At first sight the data doesn’t fit either of the convenient narratives on energy, ‘transition’, in which modern renewable energy gradually replaces fossil, or ‘more and more‘, in which new energy sources simply add to humanity’s rapacious demands.

Most likely a combination of factors – energy efficiency, deindustrialisation, and behaviour change – are at work. Initial indications are that all three of those effects were still in play in 2024, as energy-intensive industries shut down or scaled back. When we do get started on mass electrification and serious behaviour change, the energy decline will accelerate.

Climate change, 1990s style. What have we learned?

By Robert McLachlan

Between 1892 and 2012, Statistics New Zealand published an annual yearbook. As noticed by Matt Lowrie, the 1992 Yearbook included this sidebar which departed from the usual dry style of the previous hundred years:

Plus ça change. Thirty-two years later, New Zealand still has one of the highest rates of car ownership in the world, Paris is eliminating most of its on-street parking, and Sydney has just opened another light rail line. I wonder what caused this outburst from the normally staid statistics agency. Did the new Chief Statistician, Len Cook, want to shake things up a bit?

What particularly caught my eye was this bit:

In New Zealand the average car currently manages a mileage of 100 kilometres per 10 litres. To reach the Government’s target of a 20 percent reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by the year 2000, this would have to be cut to 100 kilometres per 3.5 litres.

Even under the generous interpretation that the target here refers to new cars only, we’re still nowhere near 3.5 l/100km; the last few years hover around 6-7 l/100km. Pretty startling when you consider that the popular Honda Civic (a kind of large hatchback or small station wagon) was already delivering 5.3 l/100km in 1985, and that twenty years after the introduction of the hybrid Toyota Prius in 2001, only 2% of the light vehicle fleet was hybrid.

But enough about cars. What about that Government target of a 20% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by the year 2000? Where did that come from? Needless to say, we’re not there yet either. Gross emissions of long-lived gases, and net emissions of all gases, are both up 40% on 1990 levels. This year, despite the downturn, 210,000 fossil-fueled cars will be imported, which if parked up would fill the entire length of State Highway 1. (Sorry, I mentioned cars again.)

To answer this I want to go back to a fascinating document from 1990, “Responding to Climate Change: A Discussion of Options for New Zealand”.

Click here for the full report.

This was the year of the first IPCC report as well as of New Zealand’s first reports on climate science, climate impacts, and policy options. It was the year that both Labour and National (who defeated the incumbent Labour party in the October 1990 general election) adopted emissions targets. The May 1990 Climate Options report led to Labour adopting a target of –20% on 1990 levels by 2005. The election was to be held on 27 October; with a major international climate meeting falling on 29 October, National announced their own, more ambitious target (–20% on 1990 levels by 2000) just two days before the election.

The 1990 Climate Options Report

The report is comprehensive and offers 93 different options for consideration. They are grouped under social and behavioural measures, planning measures, market measures, legislative and regulatory measures, energy, transport, commercial buildings and households, industry, energy efficiency, agriculture, and forestry. Pretty comprehensive, and all of the options are given a balanced hearing. Any or all of them would have been a good idea.

Transport, as such a large source of emissions, is given a particularly thorough going-over. Suggestions include mandatory tune-ups, fuel efficiency standards, rebates for scrapping old vehicles, lower speed limits, fuel efficiency standards, fuel efficiency labelling, business tax incentives and levies, CO2-linked registration fees, integrated transport planning (hah!), mode shift such as rail freight, responsible town planning, staff transport, optimisation of freight routing and loading, and alternative fuels – CNG, biogas, bioethanol, electricity, and hydrogen.

One of the transport options in the 1990 report. 45 mpg is equivalent to 6.3 l/100km, a level that has still not been reached in 2024.

What’s notable is that all of these ideas were either already in use or under active consideration in many countries. The US introduced fuel efficiency standards in 1975. Norway introduced EV incentives in 1990, after the pop group A-ha had toured the country in an EV (refusing to pay tolls) the previous year. (Thirty-six years later, a quarter of the cars in Norway are electric, which gives some idea of the time and determination required for a technology transition. Per-capita transport emissions in Norway did not begin falling until 2010, and have only now returned to 1990 levels. On its present course, Norway will have decarbonised road transport by 2050, a sixty year journey.)

Morten Harket (left) and Magne Furuholmen from A-ha with Prof Rostvik (second left) and Frederic Hauge with their converted electric Fiat. (source)

So what happened? Unfortunately, from a promising start, the front fell off New Zealand’s climate response almost immediately. As Kirsty Hamilton writes,

This was particularly disappointing because most of the ingredients for a world class national response were present in New Zealand at the end of the 1980s. However, by 1997 New Zealand had gone from being in a prime position to serve as a positive catalyst in the debate, to at best sitting on the fence on key issues, and at worst becoming an impediment to the formulation of an effective international response to climate change.

Consideration of transport emissions virtually fell off the radar for years or decades. Consider the fate of just two of the policy options, fuel efficiency standards and labelling. (I lied when I said “enough about cars”.) They did not progress during the 1990s, but when Labour returned to power in 1999, standards and labelling did eventually make it into a policy document, the New Zealand Transport Strategy 2002. Labelling came into effect in April 2008, but standards fell victim to the election later that year that brought National back to power. Without standards, labelling did next to nothing. Another attempt by Labour to introduce standards in 2018 was blocked by New Zealand First; it took a further electoral cycle before standards were finally came into effect in 2023, 33 years after they were first suggested. That same year National returned and immediately weakened the standards.

Emissions of newly registered light vehicles, 2014-2024, showing a reduction from 208 gCO2/km in 2014 (8.9 l/100km) to 156 gCO2/km in 2024 (6.7 l/100km). The Clean Car Discount (feebate) was in effect from July 2021 to December 2023. (Source)
New Zealand’s road transport emissions increased 82% from 1990 to 2022. The increase per capita is 18% (source).

It’s been a similar story of vacillation in almost every other sector. Some of the causes run wide and deep and span the entire problem of climate change itself. Rather than go through the whole history, I want to stick to the 1990 report and ask – did they miss anything? I mean, clearly the authors did not anticipate the strong, organised and persistent opposition that would be raised to virtually any suggestion on how to cut emissions. Perhaps they can hardly be blamed for that. Did they miss anything that could plausibly have been included, and if so, would it have made any difference?

I think they did. They did miss the significant impacts of population growth (57% from 1990 to 2023, faster than the world average) and economic growth (also 57% in real per capita terms, faster than the US). Efficiency gains would have to be really heroic to overcome both of those. Questioning them would have killed the report in any event. Also, the authors weren’t thinking in terms of phasing out fossil fuels entirely, but that need wasn’t widely recognised until fairly recently, and remains a stumbling block even today.

No, the big thing they missed was renewable energy. I could hardly believe it. I had to read the report twice to be sure. In a 100,000-word report (the length of a decent novel), this is all we get:

Surely the central importance of replacing fossil with renewable energy was well established by 1990? It’s even more surprising in view of New Zealand’s long-standing pride in its renewable resources (despite an unfortunate detour into gas in the 1970s). 1990 may have been a bit early for solar, but it was not too early for wind. Denmark was already generating 610 GWh a year from wind power in 1990 (similar to the Manapouri hydropower station), as was California, both having started in the 1970s. A New Zealand energy research group had published a report in 1987 outlining the feasibility of twelve 250 MW wind farms, triple what we have now in 2024. We built the first substantial geothermal power station in the world in 1958 and have never lost our world-leading expertise. Moreover, our second geothermal power station at Ohaaki (producing a sizeable 300 MWh a year) had only just opened the previous year.

I’m at a bit of a loss to explain this. Our experience in renewable energy since then has been one of repeated stops and starts, whereas the evidence from other countries is that large-scale transitions, whether in energy, transport, or otherwise, can take many decades and require sustained consistency of focus. Denmark has only largely decarbonised its electricity supply now, fifty years after their journey started.

Source: New Zealand Energy Quarterly, MBIE

I started out by calling this essay “What have we learned?”. Perhaps that was a bit ambitious. Is the lesson that comprehensive policy development and engagement is not enough? That we should have picked a smaller, more focused target and gone after it hard and fast, to bed in momentum and support? Or should we have been bolder to begin with? In the UK, the Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution (an independent agency in existence from 1970 to 2011) went really hard out in their 1994 report Transport and the Environment. They recommended doubling the price of petrol over the coming ten years, reducing total driving, and greatly curtailing road building. Even though none of that happened, their report is right on the facts, and perhaps it did set the scene for other measures which did eventually come about, and which have survived several changes of government.

Thirty-four years after our first climate report, we have at last turned the corner on emissions. In that sense we are on the way. But the harder step, of achieving a society-wide consensus on where we want to be and how to get there, still lies ahead.

References

Hamilton, K. (2000). New Zealand climate policy between 1990 and 1996: a Greenpeace perspective. In Climate Change in the South Pacific: Impacts and responses in Australia, New Zealand, and small island states (pp. 143-163). Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands.

Gillespie, A. (2001). New Zealand and the climate change debate: 1995–1998. In Climate Change in the South Pacific: Impacts and responses in Australia, New Zealand, and small island states (pp. 165-187). Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands.

Rive, V. (2011). New Zealand climate change regulation. In Climate Change Law and Policy in New
Zealand
, 165–214. Wellington: LexisNexis NZ Ltd.

Cherry, N. (1987). Wind energy resource survey of New Zealand: National resource assessment: summary and final report. New Zealand Energy Research and Development Committee, University of Auckland.

Ministry for the Environment (1990). Responding to Climate Change: A Discussion of Options for New Zealand.

Ministry of Transport (2002). New Zealand Transport Strategy.

Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution (1994). Transport and the Environment.

EECA (2017). Programme review, Voluntary fuel economy labelling.